New Brunswick’s Provincial Governor Harvey demanded the recall of the American troops, by announcing that he had been given authority by the British government to occupy the area by force, if necessary. The State Legislature immediately responded by appropriating $800,000 and a draft of 10,343 militia to be made ready. By the next day, troops were already mustering in the streets of Augusta.
It was mid winter and bitterly cold. Uniforms issued to the militia provided scant protection against the snow and freezing temperatures, which often sunk to -20 to -30 in the battle zone. Thick red shirts and green jackets were issued, and within a week 10,000 troops were either present in The County or on their way. Taking lumber confiscated from Canadian operations, construction was started at Ft. Fairfield.
All this activity finally caught the attention of the Federal government. Congress authorized the President to raise 50,000 troops should Harvey make good on his threat and appropriated $10 million to pay for the operation. General Winfield Scott was placed in command of any future military operation. On March 5, he and his staff arrived in Augusta and took up residence in the Augusta House Hotel.
Scott’s first mission was to avert an armed conflict, and to that end, he started communication with both Governors Harvey and Fairfield of Maine. His letter to Harey stated that he was authorized the use of significant force, and was prepared to use it, but preferred not to. The Canadian, being of a like mind, not wishing to be the one to inflict war on the area, agreed to back off. Governor Fairfield then agreed that he would withdraw the militia and keep open the lines of communication. Thus armed conflict was avoided.
The question was discussed for several more years, apparently without further incident until Secretary of State Daniel Webster and the British Ambassador Lord Ashburton arrived at an agreement, written into the Webster-Ashburton Treaty signed on August 20, 1842. Maine accepted it’s current northern border with Canada and received $200,000 from the British government in compensation for lost territory. The US government also awarded the state $150,000 and was ceded land from Great Britain along Lakes Champlain and Superior.
The Aroostook War ended as all should, with no combat casualties. A Private Hiram Smith died of unknown causes and is buried along Rt. 2 in the Haynesville Woods. A number of soldiers stationed at the Hancock Barracks died of various causes, mostly disease, and are buried in Houlton. Several troops are reported to have gone into the woods on patrol and never returned. Whether they met their ends or took the opportunity to leave the service is unknown.
For further reading, the author recommends The History of Maine by John S.C. Abbott. Written in 1892, it is available online.
Showing posts with label Maine History. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Maine History. Show all posts
Saturday, February 19, 2011
Tuesday, February 1, 2011
The War In The North Part 3
In June 1837 as a consequence of the closure of the Second US Bank, a determination was made that citizens in the disputed area had overpaid their taxes and were due a refund. To that end, a government agent was sent out to accomplish this. A zealous British constable arrested him and hauled him off to the nearest English jail. When he arrived, the local sheriff, alarmed at something so potentially inflammatory, promptly had him released. The Provincial Governor, Harvey, convinced the payments were in fact a bribe to keep the locals loyal to the United States, had the unfortunate man rearrested. A letter from President Van Buren eventually affected his ultimate release.
As tensions remained high, Governor Kent sent General Wood to inspect the fortifications along the Kennebec, Penobscot and St. Croix Rivers, and in a secret session, the Legislature authorized a force of 200 volunteers to drive out the trespassers, seize their equipment and destroy their camps.
In the County, meanwhile, things came to a dramatic head. On December 29, 1838 a group of New Brunswick men were spotted cutting timber on a local estate. When they returned on New Year’s Eve, they were met by an informal, hastily formed militia group, the Eaton Guard. Lines and weapons were drawn, probably with much shouting, cursing and testosterone laden threats. The sudden noise aroused a female black bear with her cub from their winter nap. Suddenly beset by an irate beast, the Canadians let loose a ragged volley. The Americans, sure they were being fired upon returned the favor, at which point they returned the favor. The Canadians immediately retired taking with them two wounded by the bear, but otherwise unscathed. Both sides probably ended the evening around a warm fire with a drop of the cure.
The first company of volunteers under a Captain Rines left Bangor on February 5, 1839 and reached Masardis on the 8th. Caught unaware, the New Brunswickers were captured along with their logging equipment and teams. Rines continued on to the mouth of the Little Madawaska, where the tables were turned and he was captured along with his men, loaded on a sleigh and hurried off to jail in Frederickton.
The remnants of his party retreated to Masardis where they began to fortify the place.
While the elated Canadians began arming a counter-force of about 300 men, Gov. Harvey issued a proclamation stating that sovereign British had been invaded and ordered out 1000 militia.
Things were now looking serious. Fifty more volunteers set out for the scene of action from Augusta.
As tensions remained high, Governor Kent sent General Wood to inspect the fortifications along the Kennebec, Penobscot and St. Croix Rivers, and in a secret session, the Legislature authorized a force of 200 volunteers to drive out the trespassers, seize their equipment and destroy their camps.
In the County, meanwhile, things came to a dramatic head. On December 29, 1838 a group of New Brunswick men were spotted cutting timber on a local estate. When they returned on New Year’s Eve, they were met by an informal, hastily formed militia group, the Eaton Guard. Lines and weapons were drawn, probably with much shouting, cursing and testosterone laden threats. The sudden noise aroused a female black bear with her cub from their winter nap. Suddenly beset by an irate beast, the Canadians let loose a ragged volley. The Americans, sure they were being fired upon returned the favor, at which point they returned the favor. The Canadians immediately retired taking with them two wounded by the bear, but otherwise unscathed. Both sides probably ended the evening around a warm fire with a drop of the cure.
The first company of volunteers under a Captain Rines left Bangor on February 5, 1839 and reached Masardis on the 8th. Caught unaware, the New Brunswickers were captured along with their logging equipment and teams. Rines continued on to the mouth of the Little Madawaska, where the tables were turned and he was captured along with his men, loaded on a sleigh and hurried off to jail in Frederickton.
The remnants of his party retreated to Masardis where they began to fortify the place.
While the elated Canadians began arming a counter-force of about 300 men, Gov. Harvey issued a proclamation stating that sovereign British had been invaded and ordered out 1000 militia.
Things were now looking serious. Fifty more volunteers set out for the scene of action from Augusta.
Thursday, January 27, 2011
The War In The North Part 2
The original settlers in the St. John Valley were Acadians, Brayons, who were nominally British subjects, but considered themselves, at least in their hearts, to be citizens of the Republique du Madawaska, which comprised the northwestern corner of New Brunswick within the disputed region. The more recent settlers to the Aroostook Valley were Americans coming up from the south.
In 1825, one such settler, John Baker, petitioned to have the area annexed to the State of Maine. To this end, he and his wife raised a homemade American flag at the junction of Baker Brook (named later for him) and the St. John River, which is now in the town of Ft. Kent. On August 10 he and a few others announced their intention to establish a formal Republic of Madawaska. Acting swiftly, the local British magistrate had Baker arrested on charges of conspiracy and sedition and jailed for two months until his fine of £25 was paid. And so passed the attempt at creating a separate republic. However in 1938 a flag was designed, which hangs in the city hall of Edmundston, NB, and the mayor assumes the honorary title of President of the Republic of Madawaska.
Meanwhile, in New Hampshire a similar situation developed on that state’s northern border, where the boundary was also in dispute. With both Canada and the United States sending in tax and debt collectors, the citizens formed the Republic of Indian Stream to stop it. In 1835, in response to a request from the Republic’s congress, the New Hampshire militia moved in and occupied the area. This request had followed an incident in which some of the Indian Streamers had “invaded” Canada to rescue a fellow citizen arrested for unpaid debt at a local hardware store. In the process, the “invaders” shot up the local judge’s home. Horrified, the British ambassador in Washington negotiated a settlement, and in 1840, the Republic of Indian Stream entered the U.S. as the town of Pittsburg, NH.
Back in Maine, as winter closed in, farmhands, freed from that work entered the woods as lumberjacks, becoming a source of contention as both Maine and Massachusetts moved to protect their resources.
In 1830, in an attempt to ease the growing tensions, the U.S. and British governments asked William, the King of Holland to arbitrate the dispute and develop a border suitable to both sides. His solution, which ironically, was very similar to the current border was accepted by the British, but rejected by Maine and Massachusetts because it gave away territory inhabited by tax paying Americans. As an incentive, to offset the loss, the Federal government offered one million acres from the territory that was to become Michigan. What Maine would have done with that if accepted can only be left to conjecture. And so the dispute remained unresolved.
In 1825, one such settler, John Baker, petitioned to have the area annexed to the State of Maine. To this end, he and his wife raised a homemade American flag at the junction of Baker Brook (named later for him) and the St. John River, which is now in the town of Ft. Kent. On August 10 he and a few others announced their intention to establish a formal Republic of Madawaska. Acting swiftly, the local British magistrate had Baker arrested on charges of conspiracy and sedition and jailed for two months until his fine of £25 was paid. And so passed the attempt at creating a separate republic. However in 1938 a flag was designed, which hangs in the city hall of Edmundston, NB, and the mayor assumes the honorary title of President of the Republic of Madawaska.
Meanwhile, in New Hampshire a similar situation developed on that state’s northern border, where the boundary was also in dispute. With both Canada and the United States sending in tax and debt collectors, the citizens formed the Republic of Indian Stream to stop it. In 1835, in response to a request from the Republic’s congress, the New Hampshire militia moved in and occupied the area. This request had followed an incident in which some of the Indian Streamers had “invaded” Canada to rescue a fellow citizen arrested for unpaid debt at a local hardware store. In the process, the “invaders” shot up the local judge’s home. Horrified, the British ambassador in Washington negotiated a settlement, and in 1840, the Republic of Indian Stream entered the U.S. as the town of Pittsburg, NH.
Back in Maine, as winter closed in, farmhands, freed from that work entered the woods as lumberjacks, becoming a source of contention as both Maine and Massachusetts moved to protect their resources.
In 1830, in an attempt to ease the growing tensions, the U.S. and British governments asked William, the King of Holland to arbitrate the dispute and develop a border suitable to both sides. His solution, which ironically, was very similar to the current border was accepted by the British, but rejected by Maine and Massachusetts because it gave away territory inhabited by tax paying Americans. As an incentive, to offset the loss, the Federal government offered one million acres from the territory that was to become Michigan. What Maine would have done with that if accepted can only be left to conjecture. And so the dispute remained unresolved.
Monday, January 3, 2011
The War In The North Part 1
If you journey to the roof of Maine, The County, as the residents proudly call it, the traveler is greeted by endless forest or rolling farmland reaching to the horizon. Across the rivers and valleys to the north and east nestle the farms and villages of New Brunswick. The people, be they Franco speakers or English tinge their accent with a Canadian lilt. The broad “A” and dropped “R” of what stereotypes Maine speech are absent. In this friendly and peaceful place it is hard to think that approximately 170 years ago the military might of Great Britain and the United States was in readiness to turn Aroostook County into a war zone.
The 1783 Treaty of Paris ending the Revolutionary War left the northern border between Maine, New Hampshire and Canada in doubt. Some interpretations brought the Maine border close to the St. Lawrence River Valley, which would have made land communication between the Maritime Provinces and the rest of Canada difficult. Others brought the border south of the St. John River into what is now Northern Maine. In 1815, after the British withdrawal from eastern Maine at the end of the War of 1812, a collaborative survey was accomplished to determine the eastern border of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts’ District of Maine and Canada along the St. Croix River. (See July-October 2010 Harpswell Anchor)
After the separation of Maine from Massachusetts in 1820, the latter still had claim to 50% of the public land in the disputed northern territory. In 1825 both states had agents in the area issuing timber permits, taking censuses and recording births, deaths and marriages in the St. John Valley.
Then in October of that year tragedy of epic proportions struck the region in the form of the Miramichi Fire, one of the three largest ever recorded in North America. 1825 had been a particularly dry year, and a Massachusetts timber agent traveling through the area recorded that it was initially sparked by lightning. A firestorm swept through New Brunswick destroying one third of the homes in Fredericton, and on October 7 the town of Newcastle (now Miramichi) was almost totally destroyed with only 12 out of 260 buildings left standing. Many residents took refuge, along with their livestock in the Miramichi River, but when the flames subsided 160 people were dead including the prisoners in the local jail. Estimates of casualties, including lumberjacks caught in its path were set at 3,000 souls, and 20% of New Brunswick’s forest was destroyed. The Provincial Governor’s journal noted that the damage was so extensive, the province’s very survival would come from timber in the disputed area to the west.
To be continued
The 1783 Treaty of Paris ending the Revolutionary War left the northern border between Maine, New Hampshire and Canada in doubt. Some interpretations brought the Maine border close to the St. Lawrence River Valley, which would have made land communication between the Maritime Provinces and the rest of Canada difficult. Others brought the border south of the St. John River into what is now Northern Maine. In 1815, after the British withdrawal from eastern Maine at the end of the War of 1812, a collaborative survey was accomplished to determine the eastern border of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts’ District of Maine and Canada along the St. Croix River. (See July-October 2010 Harpswell Anchor)
After the separation of Maine from Massachusetts in 1820, the latter still had claim to 50% of the public land in the disputed northern territory. In 1825 both states had agents in the area issuing timber permits, taking censuses and recording births, deaths and marriages in the St. John Valley.
Then in October of that year tragedy of epic proportions struck the region in the form of the Miramichi Fire, one of the three largest ever recorded in North America. 1825 had been a particularly dry year, and a Massachusetts timber agent traveling through the area recorded that it was initially sparked by lightning. A firestorm swept through New Brunswick destroying one third of the homes in Fredericton, and on October 7 the town of Newcastle (now Miramichi) was almost totally destroyed with only 12 out of 260 buildings left standing. Many residents took refuge, along with their livestock in the Miramichi River, but when the flames subsided 160 people were dead including the prisoners in the local jail. Estimates of casualties, including lumberjacks caught in its path were set at 3,000 souls, and 20% of New Brunswick’s forest was destroyed. The Provincial Governor’s journal noted that the damage was so extensive, the province’s very survival would come from timber in the disputed area to the west.
To be continued
Saturday, November 27, 2010
The Pirate Dixie Bull Part 2
Furious and desperate, after his loss, Bull gathered about him a small force determined to attack the French and gain compensation. There is no record of any success, nor was there probably any, as Bull soon looked for other means of regaining what he felt was his due.
In late summer or early fall, accompanied by a crew of 16 or more men “from the eastern settlements,” he sailed into Pemaquid Harbor in some stolen boats and attacked the fort. This fort, or rather a stockade, had been built in 1630 or ‘31 as a protection from the French as the Indians at that time had not presented a problem to the English there. As opposed to the swarming horde of my childhood imagination, they would not have sailed into the harbor with cannons blazing. Known to the people there as fellow traders, they would have rowed to shore uneventfully. The 16 men occupied themselves with rifling through the stores and the furs, taking anything of value. As they were weighing anchor to leave, one of the traders at the fort got off a lucky shot and killed one of Bull’s men, dropping him to the deck. As far as can be determined, that was the only casualty.
On November 21 1632, Governor Winthrop in Boston received a letter recounting the piracy.
Leaders of the coastal settlement jumped into action to apprehend the man who was now considered a pirate. The men of Portsmouth readied a fleet of four boats and took off in pursuit. Back in Massachusetts, Winthrop agreed, after meeting with his council on December 5, to send off a boat with 20 armed men to accompany the Portsmouth crew. Contrary winds, probably bitter northeasterlies, allowed the company to proceed only as far as Cape Ann from where they returned to Boston on January 2, 1633.
Meanwhile news arrived that the vessels from Portsmouth had made it as far as Pemaquid, where they were harbor bound for three weeks, by high, contrary winds as well.
With winter closing in, there was little enthusiasm to pursue the gang of pirates in the small, relatively open boats of the time, and there appeared to be no more activity on the part of the buccaneers either. That did not, however, prevent the spread of fear and rumor up and down the coast.
In January, the Portsmouth men stopped at Richmond’s Island off Cape Elizabeth on their return journey, long enough to apprehend three deserters from Bull’s crew and to hang an Indian named “Black Will” for the murder of Walter Bagnell, an unscrupulous trader, whose dishonesty had finally caught up with him.
In the spring, a half-hearted attempt was made to locate the pirate, Dixie Bull. But then the governor received a letter purported to be from him and his crew, which read, in part, “ We next proceed south; never shall we hurt any more of your countrymen-rather be sunk than taken.” It was signed “Fortune de Garde.” Not wishing to force a bloody confrontation, the search for Dixie Bull was called off.
Dixie Bull and his band were said to have sailed off to the east and were lost to history.
But where did they go, and did they bury a treasure trove on either Damariscove Island or Cushing Island, as local legends have said.
The answer to the second, is “probably not.” Both islands were inhabited at the time, so it would have been extremely risky to even stop there. Damariscove already had a year round fishing settlement when the Pilgrims arrived. In fact, in the spring of 1622, the Pilgrims sent a party there to procure food for the starving Plymouth colony, and were given a boatload of cod. Without this fish, the Pilgrims might not have survived. Additionally, the plunder from Pemaquid would have consisted mainly of staples and furs, not something one would leave behind.
Stories abound about the fate of the pirates as well. Did they sail to the south? Did they sail to the eastward and join up with the French? There is no evidence any of that happened. A popular poem of the 1600’s has Bull dying in a sword fight, and another that he was hanged in London. There are no records of any of that happening.
There is a record, however, that in 1648, Dixie Bull, of London, was released from his obligations of his apprenticeship to his brother. It would appear, then, that the frightful pirate, Dixie Bull, went on to lead a rather mundane life and probably died an obscure death.
For more information, the author recommends A Brief Account of the Wicked Doings of Dixie Bull by Jim McLain.
In late summer or early fall, accompanied by a crew of 16 or more men “from the eastern settlements,” he sailed into Pemaquid Harbor in some stolen boats and attacked the fort. This fort, or rather a stockade, had been built in 1630 or ‘31 as a protection from the French as the Indians at that time had not presented a problem to the English there. As opposed to the swarming horde of my childhood imagination, they would not have sailed into the harbor with cannons blazing. Known to the people there as fellow traders, they would have rowed to shore uneventfully. The 16 men occupied themselves with rifling through the stores and the furs, taking anything of value. As they were weighing anchor to leave, one of the traders at the fort got off a lucky shot and killed one of Bull’s men, dropping him to the deck. As far as can be determined, that was the only casualty.
On November 21 1632, Governor Winthrop in Boston received a letter recounting the piracy.
Leaders of the coastal settlement jumped into action to apprehend the man who was now considered a pirate. The men of Portsmouth readied a fleet of four boats and took off in pursuit. Back in Massachusetts, Winthrop agreed, after meeting with his council on December 5, to send off a boat with 20 armed men to accompany the Portsmouth crew. Contrary winds, probably bitter northeasterlies, allowed the company to proceed only as far as Cape Ann from where they returned to Boston on January 2, 1633.
Meanwhile news arrived that the vessels from Portsmouth had made it as far as Pemaquid, where they were harbor bound for three weeks, by high, contrary winds as well.
With winter closing in, there was little enthusiasm to pursue the gang of pirates in the small, relatively open boats of the time, and there appeared to be no more activity on the part of the buccaneers either. That did not, however, prevent the spread of fear and rumor up and down the coast.
In January, the Portsmouth men stopped at Richmond’s Island off Cape Elizabeth on their return journey, long enough to apprehend three deserters from Bull’s crew and to hang an Indian named “Black Will” for the murder of Walter Bagnell, an unscrupulous trader, whose dishonesty had finally caught up with him.
In the spring, a half-hearted attempt was made to locate the pirate, Dixie Bull. But then the governor received a letter purported to be from him and his crew, which read, in part, “ We next proceed south; never shall we hurt any more of your countrymen-rather be sunk than taken.” It was signed “Fortune de Garde.” Not wishing to force a bloody confrontation, the search for Dixie Bull was called off.
Dixie Bull and his band were said to have sailed off to the east and were lost to history.
But where did they go, and did they bury a treasure trove on either Damariscove Island or Cushing Island, as local legends have said.
The answer to the second, is “probably not.” Both islands were inhabited at the time, so it would have been extremely risky to even stop there. Damariscove already had a year round fishing settlement when the Pilgrims arrived. In fact, in the spring of 1622, the Pilgrims sent a party there to procure food for the starving Plymouth colony, and were given a boatload of cod. Without this fish, the Pilgrims might not have survived. Additionally, the plunder from Pemaquid would have consisted mainly of staples and furs, not something one would leave behind.
Stories abound about the fate of the pirates as well. Did they sail to the south? Did they sail to the eastward and join up with the French? There is no evidence any of that happened. A popular poem of the 1600’s has Bull dying in a sword fight, and another that he was hanged in London. There are no records of any of that happening.
There is a record, however, that in 1648, Dixie Bull, of London, was released from his obligations of his apprenticeship to his brother. It would appear, then, that the frightful pirate, Dixie Bull, went on to lead a rather mundane life and probably died an obscure death.
For more information, the author recommends A Brief Account of the Wicked Doings of Dixie Bull by Jim McLain.
Friday, November 5, 2010
Dixie Bull: New England's First Pirate
By Bill Millarrrrgh.
Rocky and windswept, Damariscove Island sits like a sentinel in the ocean guarding the approaches into Boothbay Harbor. Rugged, like most of its kind, it possesses a fair harbor and long history. It is here, that the pirate, Dixie Bull, was said to have buried his treasure.
As a child, our family would pack the cooler, fill the thermos bottle and load into the old Chevy for an annual trip up the coast to Pemaquid, where, having our fill of the beach, we would make the short drive over to Ft. William Henry and climb around the stone walls and tower. Visitor signs and artifacts in the museum told how, in 1632, the pirate, Dixie Bull, had sailed into the harbor and laid waste to the place. In my young imagination, I pictured a fleet of tall vessels, their cannon belching smoke and flame, disgorging a horde of black, bearded ruffians, who took plunder and no prisoners. And, I often wondered who this Dixie Bull, known as New England’s first pirate and the reason for the first large man hunt in the area, really was.
The early 17th century brought an end to the period of exploration along the east coast and ushered in the age of settlements. Both the English and the French began settling and building trading posts along the shore of New England, in some cases in competing areas. This was the New England into which Dixie Bull arrived.
Born in Huntingdonshire in England, sometime in the early 1600’s, he was apprenticed to his older brother, Seth, a skinner and tanner in London. Skinners, at that time, ranked among the wealthiest trade guilds in that they regulated the fur trade. Bull became a “trader for bever,” and, in fact may have used his apprenticeship as a form of indenture to finance his passage to America.
His name first appears in New England along with his elder brother and nephew in a patent for land from Sir Fernando Gorges “east of the Aquamentiquos River (Now the York River)” Since Bull’s name does not carry with it the title of “gentlemen” or “esquire,” he was probably not considered wealthy. There is also no indication that he settled the land granted to him.
Setting himself up as a trader, he purchased a shallop, the pick-up truck of early colonial shipping. Small, open, sometimes half decked, these boats were fitted with sails, oars, or both, and were designed for operating in shallow waters. Sailing up and down the Maine coast, Bull traded for beaver pelts, a staple in the economy of the time.
While beginning a life he hoped would be prosperous, international events overtook Dixie Bull. By the Treaty of St. Germain en Laye in March of 1632, the English had returned to France, Quebec and Acadia. Interpreting the treaty to include those lands in what is now eastern Maine, French Lt. Governor Isaac de Razilly warned the English not to expand east of Pemaquid and sent an expedition to the trading post at the Penobscot Plantation. A French vessel, piloted by a “treacherous Scotsman,” robbed the trading post there, taking away everything of value, taunting the English as they left. In this one instance, Bull lost everything, including his boat. The up and coming businessman was left destitute.
To be continued
Rocky and windswept, Damariscove Island sits like a sentinel in the ocean guarding the approaches into Boothbay Harbor. Rugged, like most of its kind, it possesses a fair harbor and long history. It is here, that the pirate, Dixie Bull, was said to have buried his treasure.
As a child, our family would pack the cooler, fill the thermos bottle and load into the old Chevy for an annual trip up the coast to Pemaquid, where, having our fill of the beach, we would make the short drive over to Ft. William Henry and climb around the stone walls and tower. Visitor signs and artifacts in the museum told how, in 1632, the pirate, Dixie Bull, had sailed into the harbor and laid waste to the place. In my young imagination, I pictured a fleet of tall vessels, their cannon belching smoke and flame, disgorging a horde of black, bearded ruffians, who took plunder and no prisoners. And, I often wondered who this Dixie Bull, known as New England’s first pirate and the reason for the first large man hunt in the area, really was.
The early 17th century brought an end to the period of exploration along the east coast and ushered in the age of settlements. Both the English and the French began settling and building trading posts along the shore of New England, in some cases in competing areas. This was the New England into which Dixie Bull arrived.
Born in Huntingdonshire in England, sometime in the early 1600’s, he was apprenticed to his older brother, Seth, a skinner and tanner in London. Skinners, at that time, ranked among the wealthiest trade guilds in that they regulated the fur trade. Bull became a “trader for bever,” and, in fact may have used his apprenticeship as a form of indenture to finance his passage to America.
His name first appears in New England along with his elder brother and nephew in a patent for land from Sir Fernando Gorges “east of the Aquamentiquos River (Now the York River)” Since Bull’s name does not carry with it the title of “gentlemen” or “esquire,” he was probably not considered wealthy. There is also no indication that he settled the land granted to him.
Setting himself up as a trader, he purchased a shallop, the pick-up truck of early colonial shipping. Small, open, sometimes half decked, these boats were fitted with sails, oars, or both, and were designed for operating in shallow waters. Sailing up and down the Maine coast, Bull traded for beaver pelts, a staple in the economy of the time.
While beginning a life he hoped would be prosperous, international events overtook Dixie Bull. By the Treaty of St. Germain en Laye in March of 1632, the English had returned to France, Quebec and Acadia. Interpreting the treaty to include those lands in what is now eastern Maine, French Lt. Governor Isaac de Razilly warned the English not to expand east of Pemaquid and sent an expedition to the trading post at the Penobscot Plantation. A French vessel, piloted by a “treacherous Scotsman,” robbed the trading post there, taking away everything of value, taunting the English as they left. In this one instance, Bull lost everything, including his boat. The up and coming businessman was left destitute.
To be continued
Wednesday, September 22, 2010
The Enemy On Our Shore: The Occupation Ends
The British now set to work establishing their intended province of New Ireland. After a raiding party captured the fort at Buck’s Harbor on September 12, the coastline was secure. On Sept. 21 a proclamation was issued establishing the province and designating Castine as a port of entry.
All towns from the Penobscot to New Brunswick were granted the same commercial rights as any other British province. Vessel owners who swore an oath of allegiance were granted license to operate freely without English interference.
On November 7, Harpswell held a second special town meeting, and appointed the Selectmen as the committee responsible for the arms and equipment which were being sent from the state arsenal in Boston. They were authorized to issue out the arms, one for each person, and required each recipient to provide security that they would be returned when called for. Powder kegs, possibly from this shipment, are on display in the Harpswell Museum on Rt. 123 in Harpswell Center.
East of the Penobscot, daily life as citizens of the British Empire began to settle in. The officers of the garrison at Castine formed a theater, the actors coming from their own number. Feminine roles might be played by a young lieutenant of the infantry for lack of female players.
It was reported that, almost daily, shipments of desirable English goods entered through the port. The imports were of sufficient quantity that the US government established a customs office in Hampden, which collected approximately $150,000 in duties.
When winter brought the freezing of the river, intrepid Mainers could be found crossing the ice in sleighs loaded with contraband to avoid taxes.
One has to wonder to what extent the pillars of the community were profiting from this illegal trade. One night a customs agent apprehended a smuggler with a sleigh full of illegal goods. With Yankee gall, the miscreant charged the agent with highway robbery. Examined by the same magistrates who had appointed him, the unfortunate official was shipped off to prison in Augusta!
The Treaty of Ghent, which ended the War of 1812, also terminated the Province of New Ireland. On April 25, 1815, the British quietly evacuated all territory held in Maine and the US government retained control. Historian William Williamson, in 1832, recounted that the local inhabitants rejoiced, but given the commerce enjoyed during that time, how deep was that sentiment? One is left to wonder what might have been the consequences, what the State of Maine might be like today, had the negotiations left the territory east of the Penobscot as British territory.
For further reading, the author recommends The History of the State of Maine by William Williamson. Published in 1832, it is available online. Penobscot: Downeast Paradise by Gorham Munson (1958) also gives many interesting accounts of the area and its history and is a good read.
All towns from the Penobscot to New Brunswick were granted the same commercial rights as any other British province. Vessel owners who swore an oath of allegiance were granted license to operate freely without English interference.
On November 7, Harpswell held a second special town meeting, and appointed the Selectmen as the committee responsible for the arms and equipment which were being sent from the state arsenal in Boston. They were authorized to issue out the arms, one for each person, and required each recipient to provide security that they would be returned when called for. Powder kegs, possibly from this shipment, are on display in the Harpswell Museum on Rt. 123 in Harpswell Center.
East of the Penobscot, daily life as citizens of the British Empire began to settle in. The officers of the garrison at Castine formed a theater, the actors coming from their own number. Feminine roles might be played by a young lieutenant of the infantry for lack of female players.
It was reported that, almost daily, shipments of desirable English goods entered through the port. The imports were of sufficient quantity that the US government established a customs office in Hampden, which collected approximately $150,000 in duties.
When winter brought the freezing of the river, intrepid Mainers could be found crossing the ice in sleighs loaded with contraband to avoid taxes.
One has to wonder to what extent the pillars of the community were profiting from this illegal trade. One night a customs agent apprehended a smuggler with a sleigh full of illegal goods. With Yankee gall, the miscreant charged the agent with highway robbery. Examined by the same magistrates who had appointed him, the unfortunate official was shipped off to prison in Augusta!
The Treaty of Ghent, which ended the War of 1812, also terminated the Province of New Ireland. On April 25, 1815, the British quietly evacuated all territory held in Maine and the US government retained control. Historian William Williamson, in 1832, recounted that the local inhabitants rejoiced, but given the commerce enjoyed during that time, how deep was that sentiment? One is left to wonder what might have been the consequences, what the State of Maine might be like today, had the negotiations left the territory east of the Penobscot as British territory.
For further reading, the author recommends The History of the State of Maine by William Williamson. Published in 1832, it is available online. Penobscot: Downeast Paradise by Gorham Munson (1958) also gives many interesting accounts of the area and its history and is a good read.
Friday, August 27, 2010
The Enemy At the Gates: The British Invasion of Maine Part 3
The Battle of Hampden
Recognizing the need to eliminate the potential threat of a refitted Adams, a part of the fleet, led by Dragon and accompanied by a transport with 500 light infantry and artillery, was dispatched up the river to destroy it and capture merchant vessels anchored at Hampden, one of which had recently arrived from Rochelle, France with a rich cargo of silk, wine and brandy.
Aware of the British advance, Morris ordered the guns removed from Adams and constructed shore batteries to cover the approach up the river. As the militia trickled in during the day on September 2, he supplied any, who were unarmed, with muskets and ammunition from the ship’s stores.
Lewis and Little, meanwhile, were leading their men up the road along the west bank of the river. The latter, observing a detachment of Royal Riflemen landing to be in position to intercept them, turned his men into the woods and never reached the battle.
In the afternoon, Morris went into town to attend a council of war with General Blake, the commander of the militia and several prominent townspeople at the Hampden Academy Building. Blake had established a rough line with the right anchored on a church, extending in front of the Academy to the river. To the south was the burial ground, Sowadabscook Stream and Pitcher’s Brook. Pickets were placed overlooking Bald Hill Cove approximately three miles down the river.
Morris was dismayed to find total confusion. Blake had developed no clear plan for the 500 men, who were arriving, no positions had been prepared, and the townspeople were advocating no resistance relying instead on British magnanimity.
At sunset, Barrie’s troops aboard the transport landed on the shores of Bald Hill Cove. These were light infantry riflemen, with weapons more accurate and of longer range than the standard smoothbore musket. Elite troops, they had served with Wellington.
Blake’s pickets withdrew.
Throughout the long, rainy night the throng of citizen soldiers stood to arms. To untrained farmers and tradesmen, most of whom had never heard a shot fired in anger, the night was long indeed. Rumors would have flown up and down the line. The stress would have rendered many inconveniently ill.
The morning of September 3 came with a thick fog and movement of the British troops.
Through faulty intelligence, they believed they were facing 1400 militia, thus moved cautiously up the road towards Hampden with a local guide pressed into service. A line of skirmishers was thrown across the front followed by a company of the 60th Regiment, a green-coated regiment formed in great part from German and Dutch prisoners of war unhappy at being forced to support Napoleon. The flanks were guarded by detachments of marines from the ships. Behind it in support followed a second company of the 29th Regiment trailed by a battery of light artillery.
Around 8 AM, marching in quickstep, they broke out of the fog almost upon the startled Mainers, who fired a ragged volley at them. Immediately the center of the militia line collapsed, and without orders began a swift retreat. Morris, his men firing downriver at the British ships and landing barges, saw the collapse and ordered his guns to be spiked and the Adams set ablaze.
Within an hour, the British were in possession of Hampden. The battle, which turned out to be the last in the northern theater of the war, was nearly bloodless. One notable casualty was the unfortunate pressed into service by the British as a guide.
The citizens, who had counted on British magnanimity were sorely disappointed as their cattle were killed and houses sacked. Pleading to CPT Barrie for humanity, he responded, “I have none for you. I will spare your lives, though I mean to burn your houses.” Many were taken to the ships to be detained and a bond of $12,000 was levied on the town.
Two thirds of Barrie’s troops pressed upriver to Bangor. There was no stomach for fighting in Bangor where the citizens determined to rely on Barrie’s good will, and under a flag of truce, surrendered the town unconditionally. Some of them must have felt that resistance might have been the better course as public buildings were commandeered, foodstuffs confiscated and the troops set free to loot. After receiving a pledge of a $30,000 bond, Barrie called off his men.
They then bedded down for what must have been an uneasy night in Bangor. When the next day dawned, the occupiers busied themselves with burning a few more vessels anchored in or on the stocks in the river, and withdrew to Hampden.
Barrie’s men then began boarding the transports to return to Castine, stopping along the way in Frankfort to relieve the townspeople there of a large number of oxen, sheep and geese. On September 7 the victorious force dropped anchor in Castine. The Penobscot River campaign had ended.
To be continued
Recognizing the need to eliminate the potential threat of a refitted Adams, a part of the fleet, led by Dragon and accompanied by a transport with 500 light infantry and artillery, was dispatched up the river to destroy it and capture merchant vessels anchored at Hampden, one of which had recently arrived from Rochelle, France with a rich cargo of silk, wine and brandy.
Aware of the British advance, Morris ordered the guns removed from Adams and constructed shore batteries to cover the approach up the river. As the militia trickled in during the day on September 2, he supplied any, who were unarmed, with muskets and ammunition from the ship’s stores.
Lewis and Little, meanwhile, were leading their men up the road along the west bank of the river. The latter, observing a detachment of Royal Riflemen landing to be in position to intercept them, turned his men into the woods and never reached the battle.
In the afternoon, Morris went into town to attend a council of war with General Blake, the commander of the militia and several prominent townspeople at the Hampden Academy Building. Blake had established a rough line with the right anchored on a church, extending in front of the Academy to the river. To the south was the burial ground, Sowadabscook Stream and Pitcher’s Brook. Pickets were placed overlooking Bald Hill Cove approximately three miles down the river.
Morris was dismayed to find total confusion. Blake had developed no clear plan for the 500 men, who were arriving, no positions had been prepared, and the townspeople were advocating no resistance relying instead on British magnanimity.
At sunset, Barrie’s troops aboard the transport landed on the shores of Bald Hill Cove. These were light infantry riflemen, with weapons more accurate and of longer range than the standard smoothbore musket. Elite troops, they had served with Wellington.
Blake’s pickets withdrew.
Throughout the long, rainy night the throng of citizen soldiers stood to arms. To untrained farmers and tradesmen, most of whom had never heard a shot fired in anger, the night was long indeed. Rumors would have flown up and down the line. The stress would have rendered many inconveniently ill.
The morning of September 3 came with a thick fog and movement of the British troops.
Through faulty intelligence, they believed they were facing 1400 militia, thus moved cautiously up the road towards Hampden with a local guide pressed into service. A line of skirmishers was thrown across the front followed by a company of the 60th Regiment, a green-coated regiment formed in great part from German and Dutch prisoners of war unhappy at being forced to support Napoleon. The flanks were guarded by detachments of marines from the ships. Behind it in support followed a second company of the 29th Regiment trailed by a battery of light artillery.
Around 8 AM, marching in quickstep, they broke out of the fog almost upon the startled Mainers, who fired a ragged volley at them. Immediately the center of the militia line collapsed, and without orders began a swift retreat. Morris, his men firing downriver at the British ships and landing barges, saw the collapse and ordered his guns to be spiked and the Adams set ablaze.
Within an hour, the British were in possession of Hampden. The battle, which turned out to be the last in the northern theater of the war, was nearly bloodless. One notable casualty was the unfortunate pressed into service by the British as a guide.
The citizens, who had counted on British magnanimity were sorely disappointed as their cattle were killed and houses sacked. Pleading to CPT Barrie for humanity, he responded, “I have none for you. I will spare your lives, though I mean to burn your houses.” Many were taken to the ships to be detained and a bond of $12,000 was levied on the town.
Two thirds of Barrie’s troops pressed upriver to Bangor. There was no stomach for fighting in Bangor where the citizens determined to rely on Barrie’s good will, and under a flag of truce, surrendered the town unconditionally. Some of them must have felt that resistance might have been the better course as public buildings were commandeered, foodstuffs confiscated and the troops set free to loot. After receiving a pledge of a $30,000 bond, Barrie called off his men.
They then bedded down for what must have been an uneasy night in Bangor. When the next day dawned, the occupiers busied themselves with burning a few more vessels anchored in or on the stocks in the river, and withdrew to Hampden.
Barrie’s men then began boarding the transports to return to Castine, stopping along the way in Frankfort to relieve the townspeople there of a large number of oxen, sheep and geese. On September 7 the victorious force dropped anchor in Castine. The Penobscot River campaign had ended.
To be continued
Sunday, August 1, 2010
The Enemy At the Gates: The British Invasion of Maine Part 2
The Arrival of the Adams
Concern spread quickly along the coast as militia units stood to arms. The militia in Bangor was ordered to reinforce the regular troops in Castine. In Machias, the citizens prepared to evacuate ahead of what was sure to come.
On July 25, Harpswell held a special town meeting electing Stephen Purinton to go to Boston as the town’s agent to collect Harpswell’s quota of the state arms and ammunition, providing he could procure them at state expense with no cost to the town.
At the same time, CPT Robert Barrie, commanding the 74 gun HMS Dragon arrived in Halifax with a convoy of supply ships in tow. Using Dragon as the lead, a powerful task force consisting of three 74’s, two frigates recently transferred from the Mediterranean, several smaller ships and transports with approximately 3,000 men and families from the 60th, 62nd, and 98th regiments was readied for action in the Machias and Penobscot Bay areas.
On September 1, this powerful fleet dropped anchor in the harbor of Castine. The two detachments for American troops, 28 regulars under the command of LT Lewis and 98 militia led by LT Little, sensing the precariousness of their position, blew up the fort before being called upon to surrender and fled up the bay to Bucksport with Lewis’ men dragging along two three pound field pieces.
The invaders began ferrying ashore, where they commandeered the largest buildings as barracks and the finest homes as officers’ quarters. Foraging parties were sent out to the surrounding farms over the next few days to bring in fresh food. A messenger, flying the Union Jack, was sent across the bay to Belfast bearing a warning to the citizens there that no harm would come to them if they did not interfere in British operations.
The US troops withdrawing to Bucksport accomplished a successful river crossing during the night, leaving the field pieces behind. Their pursuers recovered them after threatening to put the town to the torch.
Several weeks prior to the invasion, the 24 gun corvette USS Adams, under the command of Charles Morris, a former lieutenant on the USS Constitution had been preying on British shipping, but in severe weather, had barely survived grounding on a ledge off Isle au Haut.
Limping the stricken ship into Camden, Morris discharged his prisoners, but ascertained that port to be too vulnerable to accomplish needed repairs. So, he slipped up the Penobscot River to the mouth of Sowadabscook Stream at the southern end of the town of Hampden where repairs could be made in relative safety.
The enlisted prisoners, meanwhile, were marched off from Camden to internment at Ft. Edgecomb near Wiscassett, while, as was customary, the officers were released on parole. This group had no intention of honoring the terms of their release, however, and bribed a local resident to sail them to Eastport and the British garrison there.
In an event, which could only be described as comical, as they began to make their getaway, they discovered there was no liquor on board the boat, so one of their number went back on shore where he was promptly arrested in a store while trying to make the purchase. The rest fled, pursued by faster American boats, which overtook them and turned back towards Camden. So jubilant and overconfident were these Mainers at their capture of their former prisoners, that the escapees were able to turn the tables on their captors, take over the boats and sail safely to the shelter of the British lines.
To be continued
Concern spread quickly along the coast as militia units stood to arms. The militia in Bangor was ordered to reinforce the regular troops in Castine. In Machias, the citizens prepared to evacuate ahead of what was sure to come.
On July 25, Harpswell held a special town meeting electing Stephen Purinton to go to Boston as the town’s agent to collect Harpswell’s quota of the state arms and ammunition, providing he could procure them at state expense with no cost to the town.
At the same time, CPT Robert Barrie, commanding the 74 gun HMS Dragon arrived in Halifax with a convoy of supply ships in tow. Using Dragon as the lead, a powerful task force consisting of three 74’s, two frigates recently transferred from the Mediterranean, several smaller ships and transports with approximately 3,000 men and families from the 60th, 62nd, and 98th regiments was readied for action in the Machias and Penobscot Bay areas.
On September 1, this powerful fleet dropped anchor in the harbor of Castine. The two detachments for American troops, 28 regulars under the command of LT Lewis and 98 militia led by LT Little, sensing the precariousness of their position, blew up the fort before being called upon to surrender and fled up the bay to Bucksport with Lewis’ men dragging along two three pound field pieces.
The invaders began ferrying ashore, where they commandeered the largest buildings as barracks and the finest homes as officers’ quarters. Foraging parties were sent out to the surrounding farms over the next few days to bring in fresh food. A messenger, flying the Union Jack, was sent across the bay to Belfast bearing a warning to the citizens there that no harm would come to them if they did not interfere in British operations.
The US troops withdrawing to Bucksport accomplished a successful river crossing during the night, leaving the field pieces behind. Their pursuers recovered them after threatening to put the town to the torch.
Several weeks prior to the invasion, the 24 gun corvette USS Adams, under the command of Charles Morris, a former lieutenant on the USS Constitution had been preying on British shipping, but in severe weather, had barely survived grounding on a ledge off Isle au Haut.
Limping the stricken ship into Camden, Morris discharged his prisoners, but ascertained that port to be too vulnerable to accomplish needed repairs. So, he slipped up the Penobscot River to the mouth of Sowadabscook Stream at the southern end of the town of Hampden where repairs could be made in relative safety.
The enlisted prisoners, meanwhile, were marched off from Camden to internment at Ft. Edgecomb near Wiscassett, while, as was customary, the officers were released on parole. This group had no intention of honoring the terms of their release, however, and bribed a local resident to sail them to Eastport and the British garrison there.
In an event, which could only be described as comical, as they began to make their getaway, they discovered there was no liquor on board the boat, so one of their number went back on shore where he was promptly arrested in a store while trying to make the purchase. The rest fled, pursued by faster American boats, which overtook them and turned back towards Camden. So jubilant and overconfident were these Mainers at their capture of their former prisoners, that the escapees were able to turn the tables on their captors, take over the boats and sail safely to the shelter of the British lines.
To be continued
Thursday, July 1, 2010
The Enemy At the Gates: The British Invasion of Maine
In September 1814 the War of 1812, which had for the most part passed Maine by, came to its shores in earnest. A little known part of American history, it had the potential to radically change not only this state, but the entire nation as well.
The march towards open conflict with England had begun since the early days of the United States’ independence, finally coming to a head over England’s attempts at restricting American trade, particularly with Napoleon’s Europe and the Royal Navy’s practice of impressing American sailors into its service on the high seas.
With its long, well-harbored coastline and seafaring tradition, it was, perhaps, inevitable that Maine, then part of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, would be drawn deeply into the war.
President Jefferson’s Embargo Act of 1807, which had prohibited the exportation of any merchandise from the U.S. had caused an economic depression in Maine. Up and down the coast, goods rotted in warehouses, ships lay idle at wharves and seamen were unemployed. Although the act was repealed in 1809, its memory created a strong anti-war sentiment along the Eastern Seaboard.
At a special Harpswell town meeting held on August 24, 1812, for example, Stephen Purinton and John Curtis were elected delegates to a county convention “to take measures to alleviate the miseries of war and bring about a speedy and lasting peace.”
With the declaration of war in 1812, the British, were aware the sentiment for war was centered mainly in the south and west, and realizing profit could be gained from continued trade, decided to leave New England be. It was said in Maine at the time, a young man wanting action should sign aboard a privateer and not join the militia.
Even when the president called for militia units to be placed under federal control, Governor Strong disregarded the order, stating it would leave the Commonwealth undefended in violation of the Massachusetts constitution. George Ulmer was given a presidential commission of colonel and placed in command of the regular troops at Ft. Sullivan in Eastport, ME. “It was Ulmer’s design and duty,” wrote one Maine historian, “To prevent, if possible, all smuggling and intercourse with the enemy, in the faithful discharge of which, he gave to the inhabitants some affront.” Ulmer’s reward for attempting to eliminate commerce in contraband was to be relieved of command.
The brief, sharp engagement between the USS Enterprise and HMS Boxer off Monhegan Island in September 1813 was a brief reminder to Maine that there was a war going on.
To reinforce the defense of Eastport, two additional forts were established at Robbinston, garrisoned with 30 men, and a 70 man force stationed on Moose Island.
In the summer of 1814, war finally arrived, when on July 11, an expedition launched secretly from Halifax, NS, led by the 74 gun HMS Ramilies anchored off Eastport. Commodore Sir Thomas Hardy demanded an immediate surrender. The new American commander, Maj. Putnam, demurred, but through pressure from the local inhabitants, struck his colors without resistance. Hardy ordered 1000 soldiers from the 102nd regiment put ashore along with a number of their wives and children. All public property was immediately confiscated, and the surrendering Americans were placed aboard a prison ship.
$9,000 in unsigned Treasury Notes was seized, which the customs collector refused to sign even under threat of death. Hardy did not carry out the threat and issued a proclamation declaring US laws would remain in effect but ordering all inhabitants to swear an oath of allegiance to the Crown. Eventually about 2/3 of the population did so. To secure his conquests, he left inn place a garrison of 800 men and a Royal Customs collector.
Almost instantly resourceful locals began a brisk smuggling operation of cattle and local goods into the British lines.
To further secure the area, a party was dispatched to drive out the garrison at Robbinston. The lieutenant in charge, realizing opposition to the highly trained, motivated British troops was futile, ordered the destruction of everything that could not be taken and withdrew to Machias. An additional British raiding party was put ashore to spike the guns at the fort below Thomaston, rendering them useless.
To be continued
The march towards open conflict with England had begun since the early days of the United States’ independence, finally coming to a head over England’s attempts at restricting American trade, particularly with Napoleon’s Europe and the Royal Navy’s practice of impressing American sailors into its service on the high seas.
With its long, well-harbored coastline and seafaring tradition, it was, perhaps, inevitable that Maine, then part of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, would be drawn deeply into the war.
President Jefferson’s Embargo Act of 1807, which had prohibited the exportation of any merchandise from the U.S. had caused an economic depression in Maine. Up and down the coast, goods rotted in warehouses, ships lay idle at wharves and seamen were unemployed. Although the act was repealed in 1809, its memory created a strong anti-war sentiment along the Eastern Seaboard.
At a special Harpswell town meeting held on August 24, 1812, for example, Stephen Purinton and John Curtis were elected delegates to a county convention “to take measures to alleviate the miseries of war and bring about a speedy and lasting peace.”
With the declaration of war in 1812, the British, were aware the sentiment for war was centered mainly in the south and west, and realizing profit could be gained from continued trade, decided to leave New England be. It was said in Maine at the time, a young man wanting action should sign aboard a privateer and not join the militia.
Even when the president called for militia units to be placed under federal control, Governor Strong disregarded the order, stating it would leave the Commonwealth undefended in violation of the Massachusetts constitution. George Ulmer was given a presidential commission of colonel and placed in command of the regular troops at Ft. Sullivan in Eastport, ME. “It was Ulmer’s design and duty,” wrote one Maine historian, “To prevent, if possible, all smuggling and intercourse with the enemy, in the faithful discharge of which, he gave to the inhabitants some affront.” Ulmer’s reward for attempting to eliminate commerce in contraband was to be relieved of command.
The brief, sharp engagement between the USS Enterprise and HMS Boxer off Monhegan Island in September 1813 was a brief reminder to Maine that there was a war going on.
To reinforce the defense of Eastport, two additional forts were established at Robbinston, garrisoned with 30 men, and a 70 man force stationed on Moose Island.
In the summer of 1814, war finally arrived, when on July 11, an expedition launched secretly from Halifax, NS, led by the 74 gun HMS Ramilies anchored off Eastport. Commodore Sir Thomas Hardy demanded an immediate surrender. The new American commander, Maj. Putnam, demurred, but through pressure from the local inhabitants, struck his colors without resistance. Hardy ordered 1000 soldiers from the 102nd regiment put ashore along with a number of their wives and children. All public property was immediately confiscated, and the surrendering Americans were placed aboard a prison ship.
$9,000 in unsigned Treasury Notes was seized, which the customs collector refused to sign even under threat of death. Hardy did not carry out the threat and issued a proclamation declaring US laws would remain in effect but ordering all inhabitants to swear an oath of allegiance to the Crown. Eventually about 2/3 of the population did so. To secure his conquests, he left inn place a garrison of 800 men and a Royal Customs collector.
Almost instantly resourceful locals began a brisk smuggling operation of cattle and local goods into the British lines.
To further secure the area, a party was dispatched to drive out the garrison at Robbinston. The lieutenant in charge, realizing opposition to the highly trained, motivated British troops was futile, ordered the destruction of everything that could not be taken and withdrew to Machias. An additional British raiding party was put ashore to spike the guns at the fort below Thomaston, rendering them useless.
To be continued
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